On the Great Cuban Folk Singer Silvio Rodriguez and My Time Working for the Revolutionary Movement in El Salvador

June 25, 2020 – Para La Espera by Silvio Rodriquez (2020) Spotify

Silvio Rodríguez has a new album out, his first since 2015. If you know Silvio’s music, stop reading and go listen right now and then come back afterwards for the tale of my time in El Salvador working for the FMLN revolutionary movement. If you are not familiar with the legendary Cuban folk singer-songwriter and poet, let me tell you about him.

Silvio Rodríguez was 13 years old when the Cuban Revolution happened, too young to take up arms, but old enough to be swept up in the dreams and aspirations of the early revolutionary period. He was one of a group of Cuban musicians, also including the great Pablo Milanés, who combined revolutionary dreams with poetic intimacy in lyrics and indigenous folk sounds with pop and rock influences in music.

Their music was called Nueva Trova (“New Troubadours”) and was initially suppressed by the Cuban authorities, not because of its lyrics, but because of the foreign influences in its music. But ultimately, Rodríguez’s songs became beloved, not just in Cuba but throughout the Spanish-speaking world, where his music is widely listened to and covered by other artists.

Silvio can be compared to Bob Dylan in terms of his impact in Cuba and beyond. Like Dylan, Silvio combines folk and rock, the personal and the political. Like Dylan, he is a symbol of hope and change. Like Dylan, he has not stopped making music and has a new album in 2020. Silvio’s music is political in the way that Blowing in the Wind and Imagine are political: his songs are not tied to a specific political moment or issue but convey a deep sadness at injustice and an equally deep yearning for a more just world. But unlike Bob Dylan, Silvio has a beautiful, delicate voice. Imagine the songwriting of Bob Dylan combined with the voice of Aaron Neville.

Silvio’s Music

From La Maza:

What would the mason’s hammer be without the stone
A figurehead of the traitorous applause
A serving of the old in a new cup
A making eternal of a declining god
Exaltation boiled with rags and sequins
 
Que cosa fuera la maza sin cantera
Un testaferro del traidor de los aplausos
Un servidor de pasado en copa nueva
Un eternizador de dioses del ocaso
Jubilo hervido con trapo y lentejuela

From: Ojalá:

May your constant gaze fade away
The precise word, the perfect smile
May something happen soon to erase you
A blinding light, a shot of snow.
May at least death take me
So that I won’t see you so often, so that I won’t see you always
In every second, in every vision
May I not be able to touch you, even in song
              
Ojalá se te acabe la mirada constante,
La palabra precisa, la sonrisa perfecta.
Ojalá pase algo que te borre de pronto:
Una luz cegadora, un disparo de nieve.
Ojalá por lo menos que me lleve la muerte,
Para no verte tanto, para no verte siempre
En todos los segundos, en todas las visiones:
Ojalá que no pueda tocarte ni en canciones

The lyrics sound much better, more poetic in Spanish, but even in the awkward English translations the urgent sense of yearning for a different, better world comes through. Even if you don’t understand a word of Spanish the yearning comes through clearly in Silvio’s singing. You can hear a playlist of my favorite Silvio Rodríguez songs.

The new record, Para La Espera, is probably not his best record ever, but it is very, very good, one of my favorite records of the year so far. The instrumentation is simple, mostly acoustic guitar. The lyrics are poetic and moving as always. If none of the songs are quite as urgent and catchy as his best classic songs, there also isn’t a weak song on the record. The song Noche Sin Fe y Mar is really moving, and Viene la Cosa has a catchy, halting rhythm and an almost bluesy touch.

I first heard Silvio’s music when David Byrne’s label Luaka Bop released a collection of his music in 1991, the first time his music was readily available in the United States. But I didn’t really get to know and love Silvio’s music until I started living in El Salvador in 1992, where his songs were everywhere: sung at rallies, sold in bootleg cassettes at every marketplace, listened to at parties and during romantic moments. If I hadn’t known he was from Cuba, I would have thought Silvio was a beloved Salvadoran singer.

Working for The El Salvador FMLN Revolutionary Movement

In 1992, I had been doing neighborhood organizing in Boston for six years. I liked the work and had had some organizing victories, but I was frustrated that the impact of my work was not bigger. I got into organizing out of a desire for big transformational change, the kind of change alluded to in Blowing in the Wind, Imagine, and Silvio’s Ojalá, but I was only winning a few dozen units of affordable housing and space for community gardens – good things but hardly revolutionary.

When my then-girlfriend had a chance to become the staff person in El Salvador for CISPES, the largest U.S/El Salvador solidarity group, I jumped at the chance to move to El Salvador with her and learn from that country’s movement for change.

When I moved there, El Salvador was in the middle of a year-long period of transition from a 12-year civil war that killed 75,000 civilians to a permanent peace. I went to work for the FMLN, the left political-military force in the civil war that was transitioning to become a political party. Not surprisingly, the FMLN was less interested in my organizing skills – not so useful when I didn’t know the culture and could barely speak Spanish – than they were in my computer skills, which were no greater than an average knowledgeable computer user in the U.S. but rare in El Salvador. While the FMLN soldiers were still in transition camps turning over their weapons to UN observers, I began teaching word processing to union activists.

The war was essentially over and things were mostly safe at this time, but a union office I was teaching in was riddled with gunfire only a few hours after I left. The shooting was a bit of a fluke — it appeared that the rightwing thugs had meant to present a fearful threat without violence, but things got out of hand. A union security guard died, and I was lucky that I missed the shooting.

The cease-fire period ended in December of 1992, and I used a forged press pass to attend the ceremony marking the permanent peace. I heard speeches by a bunch of dignitaries, including Dan Quail (then just finishing his term as U.S. Vice President) and Daniel Ortega (the once and future President of Nicaragua, then a figure of inspiration and today just another brutal, autocratic ruler). Not the two best Dans in human history.

I soon joined the FMLN electoral commission, preparing for the first-ever fair election in El Salvador where the left could participate. I was at the first meeting of the FMLN electoral commission. There were five or so of us, all Salvadoran but me. I was the only one there who had ever voted or had any electoral organizing experience. The FMLN’s only electoral experience was in burning ballot boxes during the war.

Again, the FMLN was more interested in my computer experience – which in the U.S. would have been considered merely adequate for everyday use – then my organizing experience without the command of the culture or language. I created a spreadsheet of past election results, and I began to learn how to program databases so we could find fraud in the voter rolls and track whether all the FMLN candidates’ requirements were met.

My one organizing contribution was providing training to FMLN activists in door-to-door canvassing. Of course, the FMLN was clandestine during the civil war and could not openly go knocking on doors. The only experience they had with canvassing was when a Jehovah’s witness came to their doors. I helped organize a day of canvassing in San Salvador with all five FMLN factions participating. The five FMLN factions did not come together like this often.

You could tell which faction canvassers were from by how they canvassed. A Salvadoran Communist Party canvasser would talk for half an hour straight at each door and then hand the person at the door a 300-page manifesto written by Communist Party leader Schafik Handal. The poor person at the door did not get in a single word during the canvass visit. The Communist Party canvassers were not receptive to my repeated suggestions that this was perhaps not the best way to reach new voters – I guess everyone has to learn for themselves.

Election Day was in March 1994. On election day, I was running eight Novell computer networks spread across the country in an effort to create an alternative vote count that could help prevent the election from being stolen. I was not qualified to do this, of course, but it all worked out OK. The FMLN won significant representation in the legislative assembly but alas lost the presidency to the right-wing ARENA party. While there was sporadic violence and intimidation in the election, overall it was pretty fair, certainly fairer than 2020 elections in U.S. states like Georgia, Texas, and Wisconsin.

Working in El Salvador for two-years with the revolutionary movement was one of the best things I have ever done. It was not always easy being away from home in a country where I did not know the language or how to do the most basic things like buying something in a store or crossing the street. But in El Salvador, I was asked to do things no one would ever ask me to do, like program a database or set up and run multiple Novell computer networks. After all, a handful of Salvadoran activists with a handgun went into hills and formed the FLMN and only a few years later had a huge political/military movement that fought the U.S.-backed Salvadoran Army to a draw. They were used to doing what they needed to do without prior experience. That was a nice learning for me.

I came back home with more confidence in myself and a deeper understanding of what immigrants go through trying to make a life in a new country. I had a hard enough time in El Salvador even though I had legal papers to be there and many more resources to ease my way than undocumented immigrants typically have in the United States. This deeper understanding of the immigrant experience has had a huge influence on my organizing work.

I also learned how the Salvadoran popular movement incorporates political analysis and popular education in their organizing work, although I still struggle to incorporate this into my own organizing work in the States.

I felt a part of something big and historic in El Salvador. I was living out the aspirations of the words of the Silvio Rodríguez songs I stumbled to sing along with at Salvadoran rallies (why couldn’t Ojalá have a chorus that was easier to sing along with?). I am still trying to live out those aspirations today.

How 1970s comics radicalized nine-year-old me

June 21, 2020 – Green Lantern/Green Arrow #76-89 (1970-72) DC Comics; Captain America and the Falcon #169-183 (1974-75); Ms. Marvel #13 (2016) Marvel Comics

It was reading Green Lantern/Green Arrow comics in 1970 that began the development of my political consciousness.

I was nine years old, an affluent white kid in a sheltered, affluent white suburb of Detroit. My parents bought a house in Birmingham, Michigan in 1965 thinking it was the next suburb in the northwestern migration of Detroit Jewish homeowners. But unlike my parents, the other Jewish homebuyers skipped right over Birmingham for West Bloomfield, because of Birmingham’s anti-Semitic recent past: most homes in Birmingham had had exclusive covenants in their deeds even up to the early 1960s, preventing the sale of homes to Jews or Blacks. I was the diversity in my suburb, one of the only Jewish kids in my elementary school.

A bit of a misfit, I loved superhero comics, particularly the great DC superheroes: Superman, Batman, The Flash, and the Justice League of Superheroes. They too were outsiders – mostly orphans and immigrants from other planets – but they were powerful outsiders. That was a seductive fantasy for me.

Green Lantern/Green Arrow was different from any other comic I had read. Green Arrow, like Batman and many other superheroes, had been a rich playboy (a word that didn’t mean anything to the nine-year-old me) using his wealth to fund his crime-fighting. But in the Green Lantern/Green Arrow comic (let’s abbreviate this as GL/GA, okay?), he had lost his fortune and his penthouse and was living in a small, run-down apartment in a rough part of town (although funny enough, he seemed to always have enough money for his complicated trick arrows). His pal Green Lantern got a mighty power ring from a race of aliens who appointed him as their representative to protect the people of earth. The new GL/GA made explicit what was always implicit: Green Lantern was a cop.

The first issue of this run started with Green Lantern, on his way to visit Green Lantern, coming upon a young hoodlum attacking an older man in suit. Green Lantern saves the older man by using his power ring to ship the hoodlum off to jail. He expects thanks from the neighborhood residents who are watching the altercation, but instead they pelted him with garbage. Green Arrow explains that the man in the suit was a landlord who was evicting all the tenants in the building, including the “hoodlum,” in order to tear down the apartment building to make way for a more profitable parking lot. Green Lantern and Green Arrow get in the first of what will be a series of arguments pitting a reflexive defense of law and order against a self-righteous morality. Their argument is interrupted by what may be the most reprinted panels in comics history:

No photo description available.

The two superheroes go on a cross-country journey where they deal with a series of social problems: the oppression of Native Americans, overpopulation (considered a big issue back then), corporate destruction of the environment, and an oppressive judicial system. Green Lantern’s alien bosses appoint an African-American Green Lantern, who the established Caucasian Green Lantern immediately underestimates and dismisses only to later learn to his surprise that an African American superhero can be as smart and effective as he is. Green Arrow learns that his ward and sidekick Speedy is addicted to heroin.

Snowbirds Don't Fly - Wikipedia

Looked at through my adult eyes today, these comics are at best superficial and at worst extremely problematic. While the two superheroes occasionally recognize their limited understanding of the situation of people of color, they are still comic book superheroes who believe white male superheroes are needed to save the day in the end. I cringed at the way the superheroes talk to Native Americans (calling them “Redskins”) and at that the language that many of the Black characters used, a fake street jive. The African American characters in this comic series are completely unable to code switch when talking to people from a different background.

But to sheltered, unaware nine-year-old me in 1970, these comics were eye- and heart-opening. I didn’t realize there were such problems – I didn’t see evidence of them in Birmingham, Michigan. The privilege of Green Lantern and Green Arrow to see or not to see social problems, to act or not act to resolve those problems, to have the confidence that they are the ones who can solve them – all that is problematic to the adult me in 2020. But back then, I had a similar unexamined white privilege. The idea that we could and should question the social order because it was fundamentally unfair – all that was new and hugely influential to me then.

The socially conscious Green Lantern/Green Arrow ran for two years. It was written by Denny O’Neil, one of the most prolific and respected comic book writers of the 1970s. O’Neil passed away last week. It was his passing that led me to revisit the series. The art was by Neal Adams who was without a doubt the best comic book artist of the 1970s.

A couple years later and a couple of years older, I became enamored of another political mainstream comic, this time from Marvel: Captain America and the Falcon. In 1974, Steve Engelhart – my favorite comic book writer at the time – was faced with a dilemma – how could Captain America respond to Watergate and the changing attitudes people had to their elected leaders and their country. Engelhart created a simplified, comic-book version of Watergate.

A mysterious “Committee to Regain America’s Principles” (an obvious reference to Nixon’s Committee to Re-Elect the President, but with an acronym that was never spelled out in the comics) first runs ads against Captain America and then frames him for murder. As people come to doubt their former hero, Captain America learns that the “Secret Empire” – an underground global criminal organization– is behind the attacks on him.

Captain America chases “Number One,” the masked leader of the Secret Empire, into the White House and into the Oval Office, where the leader kills himself once Cap unmasks him. Though we don’t see Number One’s face and though it is not said so explicitly, it is clear that the leader of this global criminal conspiracy is President Richard Nixon.

This series was produced and published in 1974, before Nixon resigned from office.

Captain America is devastated by what he learns, saying “The Government created me in 1941 – created me to act as their agent in protecting our country – and over the years I’ve done my best! I wasn’t perfect – I did things I’m not proud of. But I always tried to serve my country well – and now the government was serving itself….[I’ve] seen everything Captain America fought for become a cynical sham?” He realizes he can’t be Captain America anymore.

Instead, he becomes a new superhero: Nomad, the man without a country. He adopts a new navy-blue uniform with yellow gloves, boots, and a cape which he trips on during his first mission as Nomad, allowing the bad guy to get away. But of course, after a few issues, Nomad realizes that in these troubled times, we need Captain America more than ever. So Nomad retires to become Captain America once again.

The Day They Walked Away: Captain America! | Longbox Graveyard

Yes, the politics in these stories are facile and limited – comicbooky even. As much as these comics want to question the social order, they end up reinforcing the status quo because they can’t ultimately challenge the superhero ethos that the white man is the savior. But despite these flaws, they did start me asking questions about inequality, about racism, about our obligation to each other, and about what we owe our country and what it owes us. It was asking these kinds of questions that started me on the path that led me to become a community organizer.

A coda: mainstream comics have become much more sophisticated today. The politics that still occasionally appear overtly in comics today are more sophisticated. Today, comics often feature women and people of color superheroes, sometimes written and drawn by women and people of color, or at least people who are actually in real relationships with people of color.

One of my favorite comics is Ms. Marvel, a story of a teenage Muslim girl, the daughter of Pakistani-immigrants. One day, this teenager develops the power to transform her body into any shape. She takes the name and image of her hero, a blond, WASPY-looking Ms. Marvel. But soon, the new Ms. Marvel realizes that she doesn’t want to look white, she wants to stay true to her roots. Ms. Marvel’s powers mimic the tension that the many teens from immigrant families face between wanting to assimilate and wanting to stay connected to their family, their culture, and their religion.

In issue #13, Ms. Marvel confronts gerrymandering designed to elect the “Hydra Hipster” as Mayor so he can gentrify Jersey City. She responds by getting her friends together – organizing! – and going door-to-door to turn out the vote. In the end, the organizing effort leads to unprecedented voter turnout and the defeat of the Hydra Hipster.

Ms. Marvel urges Americans to vote - Los Angeles Times

Our world may be fucked up beyond repair, but it least there is real progress in the world of superhero comics.